Archive for ‘Uncategorized’

March 21, 2009

Another Tamil man arrested at airport with ‘anti-Sri Lanka’ literature

by sd
Ananda Vikatan

Ananda Vikatan

Second episode of Ananda Vikatan incident
(W3lanka, March 21, Colombo) A student of a foreign university who was to board a flight bound Jaffna from Rathmalana airport in Sri Lanka was arrested following recovery of a Tamil magazine that contained what is called anti-Sri Lanka material.

The student had a Tamil magazine he purchased from a bookshop in Colombo that contained a comic image of Sri Lanka flag with four skulls at the four corners instead of the bo leaves.

The student was handed over to Mount Lavinia police by Air Force.

In a similar incident, police recently detained a book shop owner who imported Ananda Vikatan, a popular Tamil magazine of Tamil Nadu that contained similar anti-Sri Lanka material.

February 25, 2009

‘More civilians may have died in Lanka than in Gaza’- sunanda deshapriya

by sd

February 24, 2009


Sunanda Deshapriya, a journalist, peace activist and the person behind the free media movement in Sri Lanka, has been in India from January 18. The killing of senior journalist Lasantha Wickrematunge has forced many journalists and activists from Sri Lanka to take refuge in Europe and India
.

Influenced by the French and the Cuban revolutions, the Vietnam war, the Naxalite movement, Deshapriya started his life as a militant and was jailed for seven years from 1971. In fact, he says he and his group started the armed struggle in Sri Lanka. “I would say we gave birth to Tamil militancy.”

Disillusionment with armed struggle made him change and he became a peace activist. He understood that revolution was not possible in the 20th century with powerful and sophisticated States everywhere. He calls himself a social democrat now.

In this exclusive interview, he talks to rediff.com’s Shobha Warrier about the current situation in Sri Lanka.

It was reported that you have taken refuge in India. Is it true?

Well, I would like to put it this way. I have taken time out because of the situation in my country. It has become very volatile after the killing of Wickrematunge and the attack on the MTV MBC network.

How difficult was it to take the decision to move from one’s own country to another?

It was not easy at all because this is the first time I have done this in my 30 years of life as a peace activist and editor.

Has the accusation of money swindling against you anything to do with the decision?

No. Not only me but 11 other journalists also have left the country after Wickrematunge’s killing. It was a collective decision to use the money for some other purpose, and no money was used for any personal interest.

Given the situation, it became a political accusation for the whole movement which is very unfortunate. They tried to mingle the personal and movement together. We all felt later that we should have done it in a proper way. But the fact is not a penny was used for personal purpose by anyone. None of the accusations has been proved. There was no investigation actually; all this was done by the State media.

Is it to suppress the freedom of the movement that such accusations were hurled?

Well, the end result was that. Media freedom has suffered in the last three years. All of us in the media, Tamils, Muslims, Sinhalese, trade union leaders — all stood united and we became a kind of opposition. The campaign for press freedom became a focal point for everyone to rally around in the country. Other unfounded accusations also came in when we provided safe houses and safe travel for journalists.

The end result of all this was the weakening of the campaign for media freedom. Today, there is virtually no campaign within the country for press freedom.

Did you start the free media movement because there was suppression?

In 1991, the United National Party government tried to take control over the media. Then, we — a lot of editors and senior activists — came together and started the free media movement. Now, some of them have joined various political parties; some have joined the government. You know this happens to every movement. Only a few of us remain in civil society, not joining any political party — that was our main strength.

‘We oppose the war because it is not the solution’

In the last 25 years of war, were the last three years the toughest for the media?

Definitely. In the mid-1980s, there was a period when legal censorship was imposed by the government. Though they tried to suppress the media by bringing in laws and closing down newspapers, not many journalists were killed — only one or two. They were not killed for their writing.

This is the toughest period if you consider the killings of journalists. In the last three years, at least 18 journalists and media workers have been killed though the government puts the number at only at nine.

A number of newspapers have also closed down. A lot of editors have come under tremendous pressure. The reason for all this is that the government openly declared that their main aim is to defeat the Tigers without any negotiations. So, they see only two categories of people: one that fights terrorists and the other, supporting terrorists.

This government does not accept that the media has an independent role to play to create a discussion on this issue in the country, and make people more informed so that they can take a stand. This is the only government, I would say, that has taken this position so strongly.

Do you people look at the war against the Tigers as genocide of the Tamils? Is that the reason why President Mahinda Rajapakse is against the media?

This accusation about genocide is very recent and related to Mullaitheevu. The reason is the campaign for Tamil rights. In Jaffna, you have a strong provincial media. They came under attack in the first two years (2006-2007). One newspaper had to close down, 80 percent of the staff left. From 30,000 copies, the circulation came down to just 5,000.

The staff of Udayan, a popular Jaffna newspaper lived in the office for two years. Seven of their people were killed. They came under attack mainly because they were giving voice to the aspirations of the Tamils. I would say, sometimes the aspirations of the militants and rebel groups also.

What stand did you take?

Personally, my writing for the last 25 years has been pro-peace, pro-Tamil, pro-devolution and pro-human rights. I am for equal rights for the minorities. The majority has been taking all the decisions and holding power in the country. There is a strong group of journalists in all newspapers supporting Tamil and Muslim rights.

Did you support the Tigers?

We never supported the Tigers. That is because we never support militant movements. We only supported the Tamil people’s right to autonomy or self-rule, and not separation. We always said that we could start somewhere with small concessions and once the trust is built, things would move smoothly.

Now, there is no trust between the Sinhalese and the Tamil. They look at each other with suspicion.

We oppose the war because it is not the solution. What we need is a negotiated solution. But it is not going to be there.

‘What do we get after a war? Distrust’

Do you feel President Rajapakse should have followed the India-Sri Lanka accord instead of the war?

No. If the peace accord between (then Sri Lankan prime minister) Ranil Wickramasinghe and the LTTE had been continued for another 10 more years, the LTTE would have been forced to change itself. It is true the LTTE killed some army people during the ceasefire period.

If the government had continued with the ceasefire, we would have built more trust among the Sinhalese and the Tamils. We could have changed the LTTE into a mainstream political party. The other political parties also would have had more space.

Now, the government has won the war militarily but there is no political space for northerners, there is no trust between the Sinhalese and the Tamils. The country will find it difficult to devolve power in a meaningful way. The LTTE will find it difficult to come back to mainstream politics.

Is there any way you can build trust between the two communities?

It is difficult to say. At present, there is no trust at all. A lot of Tamil civilians have been killed in the last 25 years by military action. Probably more Sinhalese and Tamils were killed by militant attacks. So, the Sinhalese have a justified fear. Everybody is living in constant fear. Both sides thrive on this fear.

I do not see trust coming very easily even after the war because the government is going to put all Tamil people in camps for three years. That’s what the newspaper reports say. If that happens, there won’t be any trust.

Trust was slowly coming during the ceasefire agreement. But the LTTE do not take ceasefire agreements seriously. More than 60 percent of the Sinhalese people supported the ceasefire agreement and peaceful negotiation. Now, 60 percent support the military option. It is a complete about-turn.

The president said the army was only attacking a terrorist organisation and not civilians. Do you approve of military action against a terrorist organisation?

It is not about supporting action against the LTTE. We have to go back a little. I think all the previous presidents have accepted that there is a political issue here.

In 1959, when Sinhala leaders threw the agreement away, there were no Tigers, there was no LTTE and the Tamils had not killed any Sinhalese. In 1966, the Chiranayakam agreement was again rejected by the Sinhala leaders.

We are in this situation not because of the Tigers or the military action but because the Sinhala leaders did not listen to the grievances of the Tamil people after independence. Every time there was an agreement, the majority forced them not to adhere to it.

The best option now is the peace option and not the military option. It may take 10 years, 20 years… Still it is worth trying. What do we get after a war? Distrust.

What is your opinion on the demand for Tamil Eelam?

We have never supported Tamil Eelam. It is not practical in a small country given its geo-political situation. Economically and politically also, Eelam is not viable. You have Tamils living everywhere. You have more than one million Tamil people living upcountry.

The best option is devolution and autonomy. You can start with the 13th Amendment, build trust but it has not happened. What has happened from 1987 onwards is, the central government has taken more power from the provinces, and now you have everything national there; national schools, national hospitals.

‘When you kill one journalist, you silence a hundred’

Is this government very sensitive to criticism?

Yes, in the case of military and ethnic issues. On other issues like corruption other governments also reacted the same way. They sent the tax department to newspapers when the papers criticised and exposed political corruption. But this government said, dissent in times of war is treason. That is the political line. That is why this government has been very harsh to dissenting voices.

How do the majority of Sri Lankans look at your voices?

Personally, we never have had any problem. People looked at ours as the lonely voices in the country. We never took the military action as the main issue. We left that for the politicians. We were fighting for press freedom, and we were always on the street. People listened to us and knew our faces.

Even some of the ruling party politicians asked me to leave the country for my safety. That was because all of us worked together once. We worked with the president for a very long time as a street agitator. He was a street fighter.

Mr Lasantha Wickrematunge wrote in his last editorial that he was one of the few who could call the president by his first name…

Yes, all of us were together. He used to come to our office to get photocopies when he had to go to Geneva in the 1990s. We worked together on people’s issues, trade union and human rights. There are many other ministers with whom we had worked with for a long time.

Did you ever ask them about this turnaround from activism to politics?

Today, they are convinced that war is the only option. A peaceful option takes time. But there are many in the ruling party who think that this is not the best option. They think that once the war is over, the government will be able to come up with a devolution package.

There are many politicians who really feel that devolution of power is the only answer.

Will there be devolution of power?

That is the problem. To win the war, they need the support of the people. So, the government has created a kind of political environment that makes people think that to defeat the Tigers, war is the only option, and more youth have to be there in the army. It’s a kind of liberation of the country. Nationalists are good orators and they speak very well. They have aroused nationalist feelings among the people.

Devolution will not happen now. They will wait and see how the situation changes.

The entire media is supporting the war option. There is no real discussion within the country about what would be there after the war and how we are going to solve the problem. Only in cyberspace some very good discussions are going on in English.

Stifling press freedom is one thing and killing journalists is another. How do you describe the killing of people like Mr Wickrematunge?

When you kill one journalist, you silence a hundred. After the killing of Lasantha, I am told 11 journalists have left. In fact, 35 journalists left the country after December. We started feeling the heat from December.

When the army reached Killinochi and Mullaitheevu, everyone who was supporting peace was branded as Sinhala Tigers or supporters of the LTTE. For saying this, I can be branded pro-Tiger!

Though I am against the Tigers, I am pro-devolution and pro-solution. They would say, he is trying to revive Tamil nationalism and the Tigers.

‘It is a silent war’

Mr Wickrematunge wrote that he would be killed. Were you people really expecting something of this sort happening to him?

The second half of 2008 was rather peaceful. Two journalists were killed in 2008, but by the militants and not by the government. So, the second half of 2008 gave us the feeling that things were getting better. But with the war reaching the final stage, the situation suddenly changed. There is no real opposition in our country.

Then, we started feeling that something was going to happen. But none of us thought Lasantha would be a target because he was talking to the president and was close to him. When we spoke of media suppression, they said, see Lasantha is driving a car and moving around in the country and he is the strongest critic of the government.

They wanted to say that Lasantha being there showed they were giving space to dissent. They wanted Lasantha to be there and criticise the government. He was a kind of showcase for the government to say that there was press freedom.

So, we never expected Lasantha to be killed.

We had discussed with him about the safety measures he had to take but he preferred to drive himself. He felt safe that way but I don’t do that. We ask everyone to take precautionary measures.

Do you feel the international community should have reacted more to the killings of journalists?

I feel only Lasantha’s killing has got more reaction from the international community. Jaffna is the only place in the world where a war is going on and there is not a single foreign journalist there. We don’t know what is happening there. No independent reporting has come from Jaffna.

There has been no international pressure on what is happening there. But you know what is happening in Nigeria, Gaza, etc. More civilians might have died in the north than in Gaza, but how many people know about that? The human tragedy there has been much more severe than in Gaza. It is a silent war.

Was it painful moving around in your own country with so much caution?

It was, but what is more painful is leaving the country and sitting here with the feeling that you can’t do anything. There is no place like your own home. You leave your family and work back and sit here.

But once you are dead, you are not a hero any more. You will be forgotten after a while. Only your family is affected. So, you have to be alive to create change. Till now, no one has been killed while they were in their houses; they were killed when they were travelling.


‘After the war, the president has to come up with a peaceful solution’

Why did you choose to come to Chennai while many other journalists went to Europe?

I did not want to go to Europe. There, you are a foreigner. Here, I am not someone else; I am part of the crowd. In the south of India, I feel quite at home. I don’t feel that I am a foreigner here. It is the same time zone also. Seven of us are in India but I am the only one who is vocal.

Also, here in Chennai there are people who are interested in Sri Lanka and I can talk to people on the streets. Being here, you get the feeling that you are part of what is happening in the country.

What about your family? How do they feel about you living here?

They (my wife and two daughters) are at home. I don’t think they will do anything to my family. One of my daughters is in the university, and the other is dong pre-university. My wife is a teacher. They were happy in a way that I am safe here because they were under tremendous tension. One of the reasons why left was, it was too much tension for them when I was there.

How long will you be here?

I came here on January 18. I plan to be here at least until the end of February or early March.

You are for peace. Do you see any peaceful solution coming after war?

It has to. The president also understands that once the war is over, he has to come up with a peaceful solution. There is so much pressure internationally. India wants devolution of power; the Tamil people want devolution of power.

As a politician, he has to be realistic. It is very difficult for Sinhala nationalists to fight Rajapakse as he has won the war. He is probably the best person to bring about a peaceful solution as he can bring with him the Sinhala nationalists.

You said you started your life as a militant and understood the futility of armed struggle. When did the realisation come?

This is not the 19th century. States are more powerful and sophisticated. You can’t easily have a revolution. I became a Social Democrat after seeing the failure of socialist republics and new thinking.

Do you regret having been a militant once?

No, it is part of growing up. Everyone in Sri Lanka knows my background. That is my political investment today. People know that we tried our best to do certain things. I make use of my history in every platform.

Even Maoists understood the futility of war and that’s why they chose the political path in Nepal. But the problem with the Tigers is that they don’t understand that political means are better than militant means. They don’t have a political wing, only a military wing. That is the major problem with them.

February 8, 2009

Opposition insists state media is bound by its own elections coverage guidelines

by sd

(Sunday Times 8th Feb)
Opposition groups say the state media is disregarding official guidelines set for the media to follow during the run-up to the North Western and Central Provincial Council elections. The elections are scheduled to be held on Saturday.

The Commissioner of Elections Dayananda Dissanayake has given specific instructions that the state-run electronic media comply with the guidelines. The guidelines are drawn up under Article 104B5(b) of the 17th Amendment to the Constitution. The chairpersons of the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation (SLBC) and the Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation (SLRC) are expected to comply with the guidelines issued to media institutions in regard to the publication, broadcasting and televising of programmes of a political nature during the period of the elections.

However, when approached by The Sunday Times on Friday, the Election Commissioner’s office declined to comment on measures taken to ensure the implementation of the guidelines.

JVP Propaganda Secretary and Parliamentarian Vijitha Herath told The Sunday Times that his party had spoken to the Elections Commissioner on several occasions about the use of state media during the upcoming elections.

JVP MP Sunil Handunetti, who took part in Friday’s meeting with the Elections Commissioner, said: “We have raised this matter repeatedly. Although guidelines have been issued, we have no confidence that they will be adhered to by the state media,” he said.

UNP MP Ravi Karunanayake told The Sunday Times that the Elections Commissioner said: “The government media is totally biased. The private media doesn’t fall under election laws,” he added.
However, UPFA Secretary General Minister Susil Premajayantha said the Elections Commissioner has ensured that the elections will be held in a free and fair manner.

Here are some of the guidelines issued by the Elections Commissioner:

* All telecasting, broadcasting and print media shall be balanced and impartial in their election reporting and shall not discriminate against any contesting political party, independent group, candidate or political party leaders in granting access to air-time.
* Owing to the potential for editorial opinion to be confused and biased, electronic media are urged not to broadcast editorial opinions. However, if editorial opinion is permitted for any reason whatsoever, it is obliged also to broadcast and telecast opinions to the contrary as well.
* It is obligatory on the part of the news department and current affairs sections (or any similar section) of each institution not to air any programme during the campaign period, unless the contents of the programme are balanced.
* If any material is broadcast covering an incident or event with any comment or contribution from any political party or candidate or a person concerned with a political party, all other political parties that have any interest or are concerned or are likely to be affected should also be given coverage in the same news item or programme.
* Any documentary programme or special programmes broadcast during campaign period should disclose the names of the script writer, announcer and the editor.
* Air-time of any programme or news bulletin should not be utilised for unsubstantial allegations against candidates or political parties or independent groups or political leaders until the election is concluded. However, if any allegation of any nature is made against a candidate, political party or political leader such party or person should be given equal time and prominence to counter such allegations.– Coverage of the President and the Prime Minister should be treated as coverage given for the political party to which he belongs and therefore leaders of political parties contesting elections should be given equal coverage in all programmes.
* When a person refuses to participate in a discussion or interview and chooses not to offer reasons for absence, the electronic media institution shall respect that position. Dramatic devices such as an empty chair in television should not be employed to underline a refusal but it is encouraged to employ a simple and direct announcement in that instance.
* A broadcaster who broadcasts or print media publishes the result of an opinion poll should identify the organisation that conducted the poll, the organisation or person that commissioned and paid for the poll, methodology employed, the sample size, margin of error and the fieldwork date.

February 8, 2009

And then they came for the media

by sd

(Sunday Leader 8th Feb)

By Dilrukshi Handunnetti,
Arthur Wamanan and Nirmala Kannangara

Sri Lanka is hitting rock bottom in media freedom indices, and that’s not news. Going by the trend here, there is every likelihood the island would make steady progress in the area of curbing media freedom to the exclusion of all else, with the country probably heading the list, from the bottom order.

With the incidents in January causing worldwide concern with a debilitating arson attack on MBC/ MTV stations, the gruesome murder of The Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge and the attack on Rivira Editor, Upali Tennakoon, year 2009 commenced on a grim note.

As Wickrematunge wrote in his now immortalised editorial, “And then they came for me” published posthumously, the million dollar question to raise is despite sanctimonious declarations of justice being done, post death or attack, what indeed happened to the many attacks against the media since November 2005 – since the ascendancy of this regime.

Listed here are the killings, abductions, assaults, shooting and knifing of journalists and media workers during the past three years. The government statistics slightly vary. Chief Government Whip, Dinesh Gunawardena told parliament a fortnight ago that some nine journalists were killed, 27 assaulted and five abducted out of which four returned.

A pattern to the killings

The fact of the matter is, there is a pattern to these killings and assaults which even the blind can see. The victims have been largely defence correspondents, those critical of the style of executing the war such as Wickrematunge and those clamouring for good governance. The media coverage on some of these aspects appeared to have enraged the state.

The lawlessness experienced when Richard de Zoysa was murdered is now being experienced many fold. In fact there is systematic elimination of dissenting voices taking place.

Forget the virtuous practices such as liberalising the media through the introduction of a new Act. Despite agreement between the two main parties, the 2004 draft of a Freedom of Information Act remains in the closet. Instead there is unabashed violence unleashed against the media.

When compiling this gruesome report that signifies Sri Lanka’s sheer lawlessness and the safety concerns of the media practitioners, we have been liberal to not make passing references to the dozens of journalists threatened, harassed and intimidated, sometimes by top defence officials, ministers and military or police spokespersons.

Lost its value

We have also ignored recording arson and grenade attacks, closure of institutions and attempts to introduce repressive laws.

Such details appeared inconsequential given that human life had lost its value in this country.

This report card may horrify most, rightfully so, except those behind these incidents. We seek a shuddering response from readers for we live in a country that has divergent groups doing their utmost to stifle media freedom.

We also make no references to incidents such as the attempted abduction of SLWJA Secretary and activist Poddala Jayantha on January 7, 2008 and the typical hate mails circulated listing some journalists and peace workers as traitors. Not surprisingly, one such listed Lasantha Wickrematunge who has now gone to an early grave and Sunanda Deshapriya has left the country.

Ransacking of houses

Forget the house ransacking of well known journalists, Sunethra Athugalpura and Sirasa producer Shahi Kumar or the razor cut treatment meted out to SLRC librarian, Ranjani Aluthge on March 5, 2008 or even the fact that 11 journalists have fled the country fearing for their lives post Wickrematunge’s assassination.

It seems that the government wages two wars – one against the LTTE and another, against the media.

As the world speaks of access to information and national legislation to that effect, UN resolutions calling for safety of journalists be given expression to, in Sri Lanka, it is about right to life. Forget all else.

As for the Media Minister Anura Priyadarshana Yapa’s statements, nothing less than milk and honey flow in this land. Addressing the South Asia Free Media Association (SAFMA) conference in 2008 held in Colombo, Yapa declared that there were 14 TV stations, 32 radio stations and 23 newspapers with immense circulation with private media institutions outnumbering the state controlled. What he forgot to mention was the dubious record during his period of three years as Media Minister.

In October 2008, Reporters Sans Frontiers (RSF) ranked Sri Lanka amongst the lowest in press freedom, placing the nation at 156. It recorded: “In Sri Lanka where there is an elected government, the press has to face violence that is only too often organised by the state.”

Press Freedom Round Up 2008

RSF again on a report titled Press Freedom Round Up 2008 released on December 30, 2008 noted: “The Asia Pacific and the Middle East regions are still the deadliest for the press.”

Whilst recording that the figures were lower compared with 2007, it added, “We cannot say that 60 deaths, hundreds of arrests and systematic censorship offered grounds for optimism.”

It added on a note of caution, ” When governments are challenged, their most frequent response is imprisonment. And the dozens of murders, in which the involvement of the security is often almost certain, rarely lead to trials, whether in Sri Lanka or Burkina Faso.”

And that’s the question. So many killings, assaults and abductions. Where are the investigations? How many cases have been committed for trial?  And how many more to become statistics?

Exactly a month

Today (8) is exactly a month after the gruesome murder of The Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge. The fact that we produce this report card which shows the failure to investigate the many attacks against media practitioners only proves his words, published posthumously about the sanctimonious noises and the calls for impartial and urgent inquires. Amen, to all those who even remotely place their trust in our law enforcement agencies to mete out justice and to expose the miscreants.

Whilst the high officials of government continue totag journalists and media workers as “terrorists” or “unpatriotic,” the large configuration offoreign media that has descended into Sri Lanka too, have now been subject to the same rhetoric. It is evident that the visiting media personnel too are apprehensive and jittery to say the least.

With the rulingpoliticians chanting at the top of their voices that the government was at the zenith of its popularity and found no reason to hound the media, puzzled media personnelwere straining to understandthe reasons for the continueddiatribe against them in this backdropand the apathy of the populace at large who were basking in the successes of the military gains. For hoards of media personnel and activists to leave the country out of fear underscore this point of view.

Despite all the international focus and pressure to conduct speedy investigations, it is a case of pouring water over a duck’s back.

February 8, 2009

Govt. misusing state media— JVP

by sd

( 8th FebSunday Leader)
The JVP last week said that while the government misused the state media that was maintained on public funds for their benefit, the private media that stood as an independent voice has also been suppressed.

JVP Propaganda Secretary Vijitha Herath told the media that the ruling party was engaged in rampant misuse of public property during the North Western and Central Provincial Council election campaigns.

He charged that the state media was being misused to such an extent that speeches made by opposition political parties were not being telecast or printed by state media institutions.

“The state media cannot be used in this manner. It functions with public money and is therefore public property,” he said.

Herath then said that the private media has also been suppressed.

He said that media institutions and persons that have raised a voice against the government have been attacked and assassinated under a different guise.

“Sirasa was attacked not because it was supportive of the Tigers, but for exposing the corruption and wrong doings of the government. It was not beneficial for the government to have such stories being publicised. Lasantha Wickrematunge was not assassinated for being supportive of the Tigers. He was killed because he raised a voice against the ill doings of the government,” Herath said. (MIA)

February 8, 2009

No real breakthrough in Lasantha investigation

by sd

By Nirmala Kannangara ( Sunday Leader 8th Feb)

The four police investigating teams probing into the murder of The Sunday Leader Editor-in-Chief Lasantha Wickrematunge have so far failed to make a breakthrough, The Sunday Leader learns.

Wickrematunge was assassinated a month ago on January 8 morning in front of several witnesses in the high security zone in close proximity to the Air Port and the Air Force Base at Ratmalana.

Subsequent to the assassination, four police teams were appointed to conduct the investigation and for the past one month two suspects believed to have had a link to the murder were taken into custody by the Mt. Lavinia police together with Wickrematunge’s mobile phone that went missing from the Colombo South Teaching Hospital.

Meanwhile, Police Spokesperson SSP Ranjith Gunasekera told The Sunday Leader sister paper The Morning Leader a fortnight ago that the Government Analyst’s (GA) report would be ready in two days as it would be vital to conduct the investigation accurately.

“We have informed the Government Analyst that we want the report urgently and we were told that it would be sent within two to three days,” Gunasekera said.

However, Gunasekera on Friday told The Sunday Leader that he did not know whether the police have received the GA’s report and said that he knew nothing about the latest details of the investigation.

When asked as to how the police could claim that the suspect who was taken into custody together with Wickrematunge’s mobile was connectedto the murder, as the mobile went missing from the hospital and not from the scene where Wickrematunge was attacked, Gunasekera said that he had no idea to comment on it.

“I do not know about these as the investigating teams do not update me as it would hamper their investigations. What I know is that two suspects were taken in together with the mobile phone and the investigating teams are conducting further inquests in to the assassination,” Gunasekera said.

Meanwhile, Wickrematunge’s murder case that was taken up at the Mt. Lavinia Magistrate on Thursday (5) is to be taken up on February 19.

February 7, 2009

Thissanayagam case put off for Feb 16

by sd

Sandasen Marasinghe9(7th Feb CDN)

The prosecution in the journalist Thissan-ayagam case informed Colombo High Court yesterday that it has closed its case.

At this stage the Defence Counsel asked the Judge to acquit the accused in terms of Section 200 of the Criminal Procedure Code as the prosecution has failed to make a case against him.

The Attorney-General filed indictment against the accused journalist Jeyaprakasan Sittappalam Thissanayagam with three counts viz conspiracy to publish the North Eastern monthly magazine between June 01, 2006 to June 01, 2007 and publishing the said magazine as a result of the said conspiracy.

It was further alleged that the publication of the said magazine was defamatory of the Government and also arousing racism. The accused is said to have obtained funds from several Non-Governmental Organisations for publishing his magazine.

The case was put off for February 16, 2009. State Counsel Sudarshana Silva appeared for the prosecution while Attorney-at-Law Anil Silva appeared for the defence.

February 7, 2009

US pressures Lanka on Anti-Conversion Bill

by sd

(7th January DM)

The Sri Lankan ambassador to the United States, Jaliya Wickramasuriya, received a letter recently, signed by 15 US Congressmen, requesting that Sri Lanka shelve the proposed legislation outlawing religious conversion.

The Bill was approved in January, and a final vote in Sri Lanka’s parliament is expected this month.

“We believe this proposed legislation will harm, not protect, the freedom of religion of the Sri Lankan people,” wrote the signatories, who represent both political parties. “This Anti-Conversion Bill goes overboard and targets all religious conversions, not just unethical conversions.”

The proposed bill calls for fines up to Rs. 500,000 ($4,425) and up to seven years in prison for trying to convert a Sri Lankan citizen from one religion to another by using “force, fraud or allurement.”

The harshest punishments are reserved for those convicted of converting women or children. “The right to worship as dictated by one’s conscience is a basic fundamental human right, and one that is the foundation of any truly free society,” said Rep. Akin, who organized the letter.

The Sri Lankan ambassador received an almost identical letter, signed by 20 human rights activists representing Jewish, Muslim, Christian, Baha’i, and interfaith organizations, last week. Angela Wu, representing the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty, signed that letter. Four members of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) also signed the letter.

The Anti Conversion Bill was first introduced by the Buddhist Nationalist Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) or National Heritage Party, in 2004.

At that time it failed, and Sri Lankan officials assured religious and human rights groups that it would not be revived. The previous Sri Lankan Ambassador to the United States last February told a public forum in Washington, DC that the Anti-Conversion Bill was dead, and would never “see the light of day.”

The JHU, which is led by Buddhist monks, is a small part of the government’s ruling coalition in parliament. The government is also said to be opposing the Bill, but it was expected to pass sometime in February.

The Bill also “criminalises charitable acts, humanitarian aid and peaceful religious dialogue,” the signers allege.

On December 26, 2004 an earthquake hit South Asia creating a deadly tsunami, killing more than 200,000 persons, almost 35,000 in Sri Lanka alone.

In addition, more than 500,000 Sri Lankans were made homeless in a flash. Millions of dollars in foreign aid, much of it collected by Christian and other religious charities in the United States and Europe, poured into Sri Lanka.

Democrats who signed the letter include: James McGovern, Massachusetts; Rush Holt, New Jersey; Michael McMahon, New York; Bart Gordon, Tennessee; and Maurice Hinchey, New York. It was also signed by Republicans Todd Akin, Missouri; Trent Franks, Arizona; Bob Inglis, South Carolina; Frank Wolf, Virginia; Scott Garrett, New Jersey; Joseph Pitts, Pennsylvania; Paul Broun, Georgia, Thaddeus McCotter, Michigan; John McHugh, New York; and Robert Aderholt, Alabama.

The Washington-based Becket Fund for Religious Liberty is a nonpartisan, interfaith, public-interest law firm dedicated to protecting the free expression of all religious traditions. (Agencies)

February 6, 2009

The state of media freedom in Sri Lanka

by sd

Sunanda Deshapriya,

Sri Lanka is among the most dangerous places in the world for a working journalist. During the last three years media in Sri Lanka has come under unprecedented pressure. Journalists have been killed, abducted, assaulted, arrested and labelled as traitors.  Media institutions were forced to close down, set on fire, and branded as anti national.

Since 2006, 18 journalists and media workers have been killed. The most recent case was in January 2009 when Lasantha Wikramatunge, editor of the Sunday Leader was brutally killed in broad day light in South of Colombo. Of those killed in Sri Lanka, the majority were Tamil and based in Jaffna peninsula.

Last month witnessed increased pressure on the Sri Lankan media. On January 6, petrol bombs were hurled at popular television and radio station MTV/MBC network. Two days later a gang entered the station and set it on fire after destroying the control room. Just two days later Lasantha Wikrematunge was killed.

Within a week, Minster Keheliya Rambukwela, spokesperson for national security, named both Sunday Leader and MBC network as media institutions that didn’t heed to government advice on reporting defence related matters. Prominent media activists who were outspoken against these attacks received death threats. Unknown gangs visited their homes.

Two weeks later Upali Tennakoon, Editor, Rivira Sinhala Weekly was attacked. He survived as his wife covered him with her body.
On January 10, Sinhala and English language website Lankadissent.com voluntarily closed its operations. In its last editorial post it said, “
A lesson learnt, that needs no repeats to learn. This “compassionate Sinhala Buddhist land” does not tolerate “dissent”. Those who would not want to learn that living, would have to learn that in death. We, who live, would come back when “dissent” comes back as a democratic right, accepted and enjoyed in a modern land of compassion. Till then, good bye!” In the wake of these attacks at least 11 senior journalists left the country, seven of them to India. Since the beginning of 2006 more than 30 journalists have left the country.
In his first address to nation on December 2005 President Mahinda Rajapaksa made it clear that media had to take a side against the war with Tamil Tigers.  Since then government did not leave any room for ambiguity.  The message to the messenger was clear: there was one truth in the war against terror and that was, what came from the Media Center for National Security (MCNS) and likewise institutions.
In 2006, the government made a number official ‘requests’ for media self-censorship. In a letter to the media, the Ministry of Defense appealed: “Please be advised that any news gathered by your institution through your own sources with regard to national Security and defense should be subjected to clarification and confirmation from the MCNS in order to ensure that correct information is published, Telecast or Broadcast.”
Finally, in October 2007 the government put out a gazette prohibiting news reporting on proposed military operations in the country. According to it, it was illegal to report material “which pertains to any proposed operations or military activity as well as plans to buy equipment for security forces or the police.” Under the terms of those regulations, editors could be jailed for up to five years for breaking the censorship. But due to strong opposition the government was forced to take it back.

The systematic silencing of Tamil media has been a grave indicator of the deteriorating spaces for freedom of expression. Tamil journalists, especially in the north and east, had been subject to intimidation and harassment on a daily basis by the security forces and by armed groups. Certain Tamil newspapers, particularly in the East, had been set on fire and distributors prevented from selling them. Newspaper offices have been looted, burnt, vandalised and bombed.
Since 2006 the Tamil-populated Jaffna peninsula – under government control – has become a nightmare for journalists, human rights activists and the civilian population in general. Murders, kidnappings, threats and censorship have made Jaffna one of the world’s most dangerous places for journalists to work. At least 11 media workers, including three journalists, have been killed in Northern Province since May 2006. Three media workers are missing, including one journalist.

In a recent newspaper interview, the chief editor of Uthayan, N. Vidyadharan said, “I’ve lost nine men so far – seven dead, two missing. But we’ll continue to fight.” The editor and news editor of Jaffna daily Uthayan have been living in the newspaper office itself over two years now for their personal security.
Over the past three years, army officers have summoned Jaffna based Tamil media chiefs several times to order censorship of certain events such as the speeches made by the LTTE leader V Prabakaran, the students’ strike, kidnappings, and other matters the army would prefer were not reported by journalists.  This puts the Tamil media in an impossible situation because the LTTE demands they cover such topics. (LTTE pressure had been subtler, though just as effective. In areas under its control, LTTE never allowed any independent media, and brutally suppressed all dissenting voices.)
In the last three years, more than 20 journalists have been arrested all over Sri Lanka, and the majority of them were Tamils. Four Tamil Female journalists were taken into custody under emergency regulations. All of them were branded as Tiger supporters, and as suicide bombers. Well known Tamil journalist J. Tissainayagam, trainee female Journalist V. Walarmathi and her printer husband V. Jasiharan were arrested and charged under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act.
During the year 2008 press freedom bodies in Sri Lanka have documented:
•    02 cases of journalists killed
•    50 cases of journalists being threatened with death or grave physical harm
•    01 case of journalists being abducted by unidentified persons and subjected to serious mental and physical torture;
•    16 cases of journalists being attacked by unidentified assailants for reasons obviously connected with their professional work;
•    12 cases of journalists being detained
•    3 cases of media offices or other media facilities, such as delivery vans, being attacked or raided, including one case of arson that completely destroyed the office of a Colombo based newspaper;
•    Dozens of instances of verbal abuse of journalists by name or of the profession in a generic sense, including the official website of the defense ministry naming some media and journalists as supporters of LTTE
•    18 cases of journalists seeking foreign exile or voluntary displacement within the country on account of direct threats to their lives.

When the authorities sworn to upholding the fundamental rights of all citizens effectively declare war against journalism, it becomes a profession virtually impossible to pursue.

The journalists’ organisations in Sri Lanka have demanded:
•    Immediately halt all threats, harassment, abductions and attacks against media practitioners and outlets currently being perpetrated by all parties to the conflict;
•    Undertake complete, transparent and timely investigations into the murder of media practitioners and death threats issued against media practitioners and their families;
•    Halt the dangerous and irresponsible practice of publicly vilifying media practitioners;
•   Reverse action already undertaken that restricts press freedom and freedom of expression and refrain from any moves to introduce any form of direct or indirect censorship

Today Sri Lanka is at the crossroads. LTTE will very soon cease to exist as conventional military force.  Sri Lanka military will establish it’s over all dominance in North and East. Yet it is too early to predict wither Sri Lanka is heading. Right to dissent and free speech are not on political – military agenda at this juncture and will have to wait.

The question is how long?

February 6, 2009

Sri Lanka has an ‘Official Secrets Act’: Ministry

by sd

( DM 7th January)

The Defence Ministry yesterday said that Sri Lanka has an “Official Secrets Act’”which requires all public servants to maintain strict reticence over sensitive information that may be used by adverse elements to damage national interests.

The Ministry noted that it has been observed since recent past that some figures and impotent leaders in political spheres and certain unscrupulous journalists have been making an absurd cry over not providing military casualty figures to them.

“Some of them are still engaged in a Sisyphean effort to reduce the morale of troops and public faith on armed force by issuing exaggerated casualty figures and speaking ill of the armed forces commanders. Many of them boast about their connections with military personnel on the field and try to justify their claims,” the Defence Ministry said. The Defence Ministry said that according to media reports the United Kingdom has also arrested one of its army colonels for allegedly leaking casualty figures in Afghanistan to one female human rights campaigner.

The media reports quoting the UK Ministry of Defence said that Lieutenant-Colonel Owen McNally was held on suspicion of breaching the Official Secrets Act and the officer was being sent back to the UK for questioning, where his case has been referred to the Metropolitan Police.

The UK based Times Online quoting The Sun newspaper said that Lt-Col McNally had access to the figures through his work for NATO’s International Security Assistance Force, which is running military operations in Afghanistan.

According to the online newspaper “American generals in the Afghan capital Kabul were reported to be furious about the allegations”.

The media reports further said that if charged, the officer will appear at the Old Bailey in London, which hears all such Official Secrets cases. “He faces a maximum sentence of 14 years if convicted” the reports added.

The Defence Ministry believes that the UK example would educate those who craving for the national leadership in Sri Lanka, on the extent to which they have to be professional in their behaviour when the national interests are at stake.

“Unlike the bogus rights activists who cannot find alternative living than to survive on continued sufferings of the others, it is deemed that the politicians should not try to damage the morale and the discipline of troops of their own country,” the Defence Ministry said

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