Death of the primary suspect in the case of the murder of a newspaper editor should be investigated

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has received information that Pichchei Jesudasan, the primary suspect in the murder of veteran journalist editor of the Sunday Leader News Paper, Lasantha Wickramatunga, died while in remand prison. The other suspect who was arrested in relation to this case confessed to the Magistrate that he is under severe pressure by senior police officers to say that the killing was ordered by members of the military. He refused to follow these orders and sought judicial protection for his life. Jesudasan’s death is a huge blow to those who have awaited justice for the killing of Lasantha Wickramatunga , including a number of a local and international human rights groups. The Sri Lankan government has initiated a policy wherein suspects are arrested and then killed so as to deter criminals from committing crimes. This policy has encouraged law enforcement officers to kill innocent people with impunity. The lack of a thorough investigation of this crime is a denial of justice to the victim and his family. The case illustrates the exceptional collapse of the rule of law in the country.

CASE NARRATIVE:

Pichchei Jesudasan (36) of Magastora, Nuwara Eliya District died on 15 October 2011. Jesudasan was the owner of a garage in Nuwara Eliya. He was arrested under the suspicion that he had been involved in the assassination of Sunday Leader newspaper editor Lasantha Wickramatunga in January 2009. Lasantha was killed on 8 January 2009 at Malagala, Atthidiya in Colombo as he traveled to his workplace. .

Several days after Lasantha’s death, Jesudasan was arrested in Nuwara Eliya at his residence and detained at the police station. Shortly thereafter, he was produced before the Magistrate of Mount Lavinia and then remanded at Magazin Prison in Colombo. Even though he had not been charged by the courts, he was detained in prison for almost two years. Jesudasan was suspected to have close ties with the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam) and was thus provided with special security measures while he was at Magazin Prison.

On 13 October, he was to be brought from Magazin Prison to Mount Lavinia Magistrate Court for his suspected involvement in Lasantha’s death. He was found that day in prison lying on the ground having discharged a large amount of sputum (a mixture of mucus and saliva) from his mouth and nose. Prison officials admitted him to ward 44 of the National Hospital in Colombo for treatment. Two days after he was admitted, he was pronounced dead. Jesudasan was a healthy adult who sustained a livelihood as a mechanic before the arrest. He had no previously reported illnesses. The police stated that Jesudasan died of a heart attack.

Before Jesudasan’s death occurred, another suspect was arrested and remanded in relation to the assassination of Lasantha. This suspect, who is said to be connected to the Millitary Intelligence Unit, made a confession before the Magistrate of Mount Lavinia. He stated before the Magistrate of Mount Lavinia that he was forced to confess to the killing of Lasantha Wickramatunga by several higher ranking police officers, including the Officer-in-Charge (OIC) of the Terrorist Investigation Division (TID) who was following the orders of former Army Commander Sarath Fonseka. He said that he refused to follow these orders, and pleaded for protection because he believed that his life was in danger.

The investigation into Lasantha’s assassination has continued for several years; yet a final investigation report has yet to be submitted to the court. The Magistrate has reprimanded the investigating officers attached to the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) of Sri Lanka Police regarding this delay on several occasions. The officers attached to the CID have stated that the investigation into the killing of Lasantha has been transferred to the Terrorist Investigation Division (TID) of the Sri Lanka Police. The final report on the investigation of the killing of Lasantha Wickramatunga has yet to be submitted to the court.

Several local and international human rights groups, media organizations and influential people including the President of the United States of America have shown their interest in seeking justice regarding the killing of veteran journalist Lasantha Wickramatunga. In light of this national and international pressure, the death of the main suspect of this crime is extremely suspicious. The collapse of the criminal justice system, particularly in relation to cases of serious human rights abuses is emblematic of the lethargic approach of Sri Lankan law enforcement agencies in implementing the country’s laws.

Jasudasan’s sudden death is a serious blow to the investigation of Lasantha’s death. Justice has been denied to both Lasantha and Jesudasan.

Source: Asian Human Rights Commission
SLG

Udul freed of anti-government charges

Monday, 22 August 2011
Former convener of Inter University Students Federation (IUSF) Udul Premaratne and another arrested in 2009 for pasting posters against educational reforms and had been charged were ordered to be released by the Colombo Magistrates Court today (22nd) say reports.

The two of them arrested by the Cinnamon Gardens Police were charged for pasting anti-government posters.

When the case was called today the police informed Court that Auditor General had directed that there was no sufficient evidence to charge them.

Accordingly, Colombo Chief Magistrate Rashmi Singappuli ordered them to be released without any charges.
LT

 

STATEMENT OF THE GOVERNING COUNCIL OF THE NATIONAL PEACE COUNCIL

IN REGARD TO THE INVESTIGATION BEING CARRIED OUT ON IT

Last week, the Executive Director of the National Peace Council was called to the headquarters of the Criminal Investigation Department of the Sri Lanka Police.  He was informed that the CID wished to carry out an investigation regarding the organization’s sources of funding, its partners and the activities it was carrying out. CID officers asked questions about the work of the National Peace Council and asked for further information. This investigation was preceded by adverse media commentary in both the state media and sections of the private media that NPC together with other non -governmental organizations continue to be funded by foreign donors despite the end of the war and claiming that they are serving the interests of their funding partners.

The Governing Council is perturbed that the organization is being investigated by the CID instead of by the normal civil administration although there is no prima facie evidence or specific allegation that it is engaging in any criminal activities.  Most of the information that the CID has requested the organization to furnish has already been provided to the NGO Secretariat of the Government which is under the purview of the Ministry of Defence.  These include work plans, sources of funding, financial and audit reports, salaries of staff and annual reports.  So we fail to understand why the CID should investigate the organization. NPC staff has always cooperated fully with the NGO Secretariat which is the appropriate government regulatory and monitoring agency.

The National Peace Council was established in 1995 to support a citizens’ movement for peace in a time of escalating war.  We believed, and continue to believe, in a non-violent and negotiated political solution to the ethnic conflict within a united Sri Lanka.  Although the war has ended in an outright victory for the government forces we believe that the minority communities must be reconciled with the government and the majority community. Such reconciliation needs to be based on a just solution to the grievances of the ethnic minorities with devolution of power to enable them to carry out their administration of public affairs in the Tamil language also. Therefore, NPC continues to affirm the need for a political solution to the ethnic conflict and for a reconciliation process between the communities and the government of the day. .

The National Peace Council is primarily an advocacy and education organisation. What we advocate is the protection of human rights and fundamental democratic freedoms of all the people of our land. This is a long term objective which will convince the majority of the people the need for a just solution to the minority problems be they ethnic or religion based minorities. Our advocacy is related to the values and principles enunciated in the several United Nations declarations and connected declarations which are the basis of our Constitution. We do not in any way seek to engage in any political activity.    All the work that we do is transparent and in the public sphere.  Throughout its years of existence, NPC has also been politically non-partisan, and its policy making bodies and staff are of diverse ethnicities, religions and political convictions.

The Governing Council is distressed that the current CID investigation would intimidate our staff members and their families, and also gives a negative message to the wider society of official intolerance towards liberal and democratic values. The UN Human Rights Day theme this year was the obligation of the member states to protect human rights workers in accordance with the UN Resolution.  NPC’s financial statements are available in our annual reports which are public documents in accordance with the Companies Law under which the organization is registered. All projects and donor funding are audited on an annual basis by Price Waterhouse and Coopers.  The audited accounts are filed with the Registrar of Companies and are accessible to members of the public. Our advocacy and education programs are also public and reported in the annual reports. We hope that the CID investigation will be concluded speedily and the results conveyed to us.

Governing Council

The National Peace Council is an independent and non partisan organisation that works towards a negotiated political solution to the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka. It has a vision of a peaceful and prosperous Sri Lanka in which the freedom, human rights and democratic rights of all the communities are respected. The policy of the National Peace Council is determined by its Governing Council of 20 members who are drawn from diverse walks of life and belong to all the main ethnic and religious communities in the cou

Is It Time To Go?

No! I am not referring to Mubarak but to the expatriates who are functioning as the heads of agencies in the various INGOs in Sri Lanka. Don’t get me wrong – I am no apologist for the regime in power and do not condone the coercive ‘nationalisation’ agenda they seem to have for the INGOs.
Neither am I opposed to the notion of qualified, committed and capable persons, where ever they may be from, contributing to improving the humanitarian, human rights or general wellbeing of the marginalised people in Sri Lanka. My reason for asking them to quit is very basic – the cost in terms of compromises the INGO sector is making to keep the visas of these expatriates alive is outweighing the usual benefits of having them.
Read the full article here

Mervin speaks! – waiting to fire his pistol

Minister Mervyn - waiting to kill

He is waiting impatiently to fire his legal pistol says the Minister of Public Coordination and Public Affairs Dr. Mervin Silva.

“I’m waiting for that climax, the most auspicious time for me,” said Dr. Mervin at a meeting held to support a UPFA candidate in Kelaniya area.

The Minister said he would be the “first to pull the trigger if Foneska’s Army deserters and UNP – JVP robber gang begin blood shedding at the forthcoming election.”

Mervin said he would not allow any conspiracies in Sri Lanka and he also sang a song to entertain the gathering.

LankaTruth

The Militarisation Of Sri Lanka’s Diplomatic And Administrative Services

Military personnel handed diplomatic and government postings despite their lack of experience in their new posts

By Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema

The government in post war Sri Lanka is fast militarising the administrative and diplomatic services. The appointment of military heads to key Sri Lankan missions overseas and state institutions has become a talking point among the general public. Since the appointment of military men in civil administration work as well as the diplomatic service, questions have been raised on their roles in such positions.
The difference in military discipline as opposed to the administrative and diplomatic services has caused friction between military personnel, career diplomats and public officials.
Furthermore, the militarisation of the administrative and diplomatic services has had an adverse impact on the careers of civilians who have been graded and promoted to positions according to a set of criteria in their respective line of work.
The country boasts of a rich history in relation to the administrative and diplomatic services.
The Sri Lanka Administrative Service (SLAS) is known to be the main administrative service of the government, with civil servants working for both the Central Government and the provincial councils.
It was formed in 1963 as the Ceylon Administrative Service (CAS) after the Ceylon Civil Service, which was abolished on May 1, 1963. The head of the SLAS is the Secretary to the President.
Meanwhile, the country’s foreign service was established on October 1, 1949, following the independence of Ceylon in 1948 as the Ceylon Overseas Service with the recruitment of its first batch of cadets to deal with foreign affairs.
Following Sri Lanka becoming a republic in 1972 the service changed its name to Sri Lanka Overseas Service also known as the Foreign Service.
Be that as it may, the government’s move to militarise two of the country’s key sectors has now resulted in a considerable number of diplomatic missions and other institutions being headed by military personnel.
Due to their inexperience in holding the offices they have been appointed to, some of the military men in key positions have run into various problems.
Major General Udaya Perera, who was the former Director Operations of the Sri Lanka Army, is the first serving Army officer to hold a diplomatic position as High Commissioner.
Perera is Sri Lanka’s Deputy High Commissioner to Malaysia. It is learnt that Perera has played a key role in the arrest of former LTTE International Wing leader ‘KP’ and has been stationed in Malaysia in order to crackdown on LTTE activities in the region.
However, he has now been accused by members of the Foreign Service of hampering the country’s diplomatic work in Malaysia.
It is learnt that Perera, unable to grasp the concept of a diplomat, was creating a mess in relation to investment and other business ties with Malaysia.
The appointment of another Major General to a Sri Lankan mission caused an uproar among members of the Tamil Diaspora.
Major General Jagath Dias, who commanded the 57 Division during the fourth Eelam war, was appointed Sri Lanka’s Deputy Ambassador to Germany.
Dias’s appointment was challenged by Tamil Diaspora associations who at the time filed a petition at the European Court of Human Rights against the Federal Republic of Germany for accepting his appointment.
Former Air Force Commander and Chief of Defence Staff Air Chief Marshal Donald Perera, who is Sri Lanka’s maiden ambassador to Israel was also in the limelight recently over a controversial statement made by him.
In an undiplomatic move, Perera was quoted in an Israeli newspaper last year saying that Sri Lanka was a staunch supporter of Israel’s fight against Palestinian terror.
However, hours after the news was published, Perera issued a statement denying the controversial remarks attributed to him and said that the report was ‘totally erroneous.’
The government also tried to set up a Sri Lankan mission in Eritrea by appointing the former Head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence, Major General Amal Karunasekera as its charge d’ affairs.
Karunasekera’s mission was to hunt down LTTE assets in the East African country.
However, Karunasekera was later recalled following investigations into the killing of The Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunge, who was assassinated when Karunasekera was heading the Directorate of Military Intelligence.
The government’s move to appoint military men to diplomatic missions have run into problems at an international level too.
Two such incidents were the appointment of General Shavendra Silva as the Deputy Permanent Representative to Sri Lanka’s Mission in the UN in New York and the proposal to appoint former Navy Commander, Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda as Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to the UK.
Although Silva’s appointment went ahead despite concerns raised by the international community due to allegations of war crimes leveled against him, Karannagoda was not so lucky.
The government had to shelve the plan of sending Karannagoda as the High Commissioner to the UK following strong objections raised by the Tamil Diaspora there.
Karannagoda is now tipped to be appointed as Ambassador to the Sri Lankan mission in Tokyo, Japan. He also served as Secretary to the Highways Ministry, a post that is usually held by a member of Sri Lanka’s administrative service.
Apart from the diplomatic missions, the government has also appointed military men to state-run institutions as well.
The most recent such appointments are former Army Commander Lieutenant General Rohan Daluwatte as the Chairman, National Gem and Jewellery Corporation, and the three armed forces chiefs to the Board of the Water’s Edge members-only club at Battaramulla.

http://www.thesundayleader.lk/2011/01/23/the-militarisation-of-sri-lanka%E2%80%99s-diplomatic-and-administrative-services/

Uniforms In Key Positions
Following are some of the military leaders who have been appointed to Sri Lankan missions overseas and to state institutions:
1. Air Chief Marshal Jayalath Weerakkody (former Air Force Chief) – Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to Pakistan
2. Air Chief Marshal Donald Perera (former Air Force Chief and Chief of Defence Staff) – Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Israel
3. Major General Nanda Mallawaarachchi (former Chief of Staff of the Army) – Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Indonesia
4. Major General Udaya Perera (Director Operations of the Sri Lanka Army) – Sri Lanka’s Deputy High Commissioner to Malaysia
5. Major General Jagath Dias (former General Officer Commanding the 57th Division) – Sri Lanka’s Deputy Ambassador to Germany
6. Major General Shavendra Silva (former General Officer Commanding the 58th Division) – Deputy Permanent Representative for Sri Lanka in the UN
7. Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda (former Navy Commander) – Highways Ministry Secretary and tipped to become Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to Japan
8. Admiral Thisara Samarasinghe (former Navy Commander) – Board Member, Water’s Edge Complex and tipped to become Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner to Australia
9. Major General Amal Karunasekara (former Head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence) – Charge d’ affaires for the proposed Sri Lankan Mission in Eritrea
10. Major General G.A. Chandrasiri (former Jaffna security forces commander) – Northern Province Governor
11. Rear Admiral Mohan Wijewickrema (former Navy Chief of Staff) – Eastern Province Governor
12. Lieutenant General Rohan Daluwatte (former Army Commander) – Chairman, National Gem and Jewellery Authority
13. Lieutenant General Jagath Jayasuriya (current Army Commander) – Board Member, Water’s Edge Complex
14. Air Chief Marshal Roshan Gunathilake (current Air Force Chief) – Board Member, Water’s Edge Complex

Sri Lanka opposition demands end to state of emergency

SL military has police powers under the emergency

– Wed Jan 12,

COLOMBO (AFP) – Sri Lanka’s opposition Wednesday demanded an end to emergency law ahead of local elections in March, saying there was no reason for restrictions two years after the end of the island’s conflict.

More than 300 municipal, urban and village councils will be elected in March for the first time since government forces crushed Tamil Tiger rebels in May 2009 and declared an end to 37 years of ethnic bloodshed.

The emergency laws, introduced in the late 1970s, allow the police to detain suspects without trial and restrict the opposition during their campaigning.

The main opposition parties have complained that their activists have been arrested under emergency laws while putting up anti-ruling party posters.

They said the emergency, which gives sweeping powers to police and troops to detain suspects for long periods without trial, should be lifted to clear the way for unrestricted campaigning.

“There is no justification for dragging on the state of emergency nearly two years after the war has ended,” the general secretary of the leftist People’s Liberation Front (JVP), Tilvin Silva, said.

“Earlier, the government’s excuse was the war, but it is not there anymore.”

Voting for some councils near cricket venues in Colombo and two other districts will be put off because of the cricket World Cup, which is being jointly hosted by Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and India.

Political sources said the local election would be a key test of the government’s popularity as the country emerges from debilitating ethnic strife, and a challenge to the highly fractured opposition.

The government has argued that it needs the tough emergency laws to prevent ethnic Tamil separatists regrouping.

The United States and EU nations and international rights groups have urged Sri Lanka to ease the laws.

http://news.yahoo.com/s/afp/20110112/wl_sthasia_afp/srilankapoliticsvotelaws

Rise Silent Majority, Rise Now Or Sleep Forever

AN APPEAL TO FELLOW CITIZENS

We have witnessed thirty years of armed conflict and the erosion of democratic values entrenched in the first post-independence Constitution. The end of the armed conflict brought with it high expectations of a just peace, strengthened democracy and development.  The proposed changes to the Constitution do not merely disappoint these expectations, but in themselves give rise to grave apprehensions.

Major changes affecting the scope of the President’s powers are being rushed through as “urgent in the national interest”. They were approved at a special meeting of the Cabinet on Monday 30th August, and referred immediately to the Supreme Court. We understand that the final form of the Bill was made available to concerned citizen groups and legal counsel only halfway through the Attorney-General’s submissions to the Supreme Court at the hearing on 31 August.  We see no justification for having certified the Bill as “urgent in the national interest”. Such certification gives the Supreme Court very little time to reach its determination, and restricts the opportunity for members of the public to intervene and make representations at the hearing.

“What is contemplated is a judicial decision as to whether a provision of a Bill is inconsistent with the constitution. A judicial decision means that the court must judge conscientiously and as correctly as it possibly can. To do this the court must first inform itself regarding the arguments for and against, read the authorities cited, and make up its mind. The human mind is not an automaton which can be called upon to make a decision in a limited time without regard to arguments, reasons or precedents. A judge should be convinced of the correctness of his decision before he decides. If he decides with a mental reservation that he has not had time to explore all aspects of a question, he should not decide, as he may decide wrongly, and thus the citizens may be deprived of the benefit of an important safeguard.” (S. Nadesan  QC address to the Constitutional Court, 1972)

The Bill is reportedly to be debated to a finish on Wednesday 8 September.  All this within the space of ten days!  Political parties, civil society groups, concerned citizens and the media have had no adequate time to discuss the provisions of the Bill or express views on its content and implications for future governance. To engage in informed public discussion is surely a basic right of the people. Its denial indicates a cynical disregard of citizens’ rights and the public interest.

1. Main objections to the Bill

(a)      It seeks to eliminate the limitation placed by the constitution on the Executive President’s term of office; and

(b) It dilutes, to the extent of negating, the effect of the Constitutional Council responsible for nominating and/or approving suitable candidates to the Supreme Court, the Court of Appeal and the independent Election, Public Service, Police, Judicial Services and Human Rights Commissions.

The 1978 Constitution confers near absolute powers on the executive presidency, coupled with immunity from legal action. This has contributed to an erosion of the key institutions necessary for good governance.  This is evidenced by the reality of political interference with law enforcement agencies such as the police as well as the public service and the conduct of elections to legislative bodies.  For these reasons abolishing the Executive Presidential system was incorporated in election manifestos of many parties over the years, including in the Mahinda Chinthanaya of 2005.

Democratic governance requires adequate checks on state power. The only existing checks on the executive President of Sri Lanka are (a) the limitation of the presidency to two terms and (b) the Constitutional Council (as created by the Seventeenth Amendment to the Constitution).  We are of the opinion, that the presidential immunity was conferred in view of that term limit.  If the term limit is to go, then the immunity conferred on the President must also be removed. For the knowledge that at a definite time within the foreseeable future the President will once again be legally accountable for acts committed whilst in office is a powerful deterrent against misuse of power.

The reality of abuse of executive powers that the country witnessed in these key areas was addressed to some extent by the Seventeenth Amendment which provided for independent commissions.   While recognizing the weaknesses in the Seventeenth Amendment with regard to the method of appointment of the Constitutional Council, we must appreciate that it was for the purpose of introducing mechanisms to prevent  abuse of Presidential powers and minimize political interference with key institutions. The proposed amendment once again gives t he President untrammeled power to make direct appointments to bodies that should, in the interests of the people, be independent of political pressure. If this becomes law, a President will only have to obtain “the observations” of others; and will not be bound to follow those observations. We unreservedly  oppose this move.

The President will be required to attend Parliament at regular intervals, but this cannot be considered an arrangement that will make him accountable to Parliament in the manner of a Prime Minister.

A check on the executive is the only way to protect citizens’ rights.  Hence the importance of fundamental rights challenging state action, and the limited term of the presidency.  That a person may be a Prime Minister or a Minister or an MP or Leader of the Opposition any number of times is irrelevant because they do not exercise the same near-absolute powers. More important, they do not have the immunity from legal action that the Presidency enjoys.

Current arguments on the need to re-elect a President for unlimited terms personalize the issue and focus on the importance of permittingPresident Rajapaksa to be a Presidential candidate for many terms given his landslide electoral success.  However, Constitutional amendments will incorporate conditions that will apply irrespective of personal considerations, to any successor to this office.

The proposed amendment will further entrench the worst features of the Presidential system of Government under the present Constitution.    The government did not receive a two thirds majority with a mandate from the people to introduce these major changes to our political life.

Development is about the rights and wellbeing of the people. To deny to the people accountable governance and democratic space is to make a mockery of the development process, especially in the context of a post-conflict society.

OUR APPEAL

We seek the support of all Sri Lankans, in calling upon members of Parliament to exercise their right to vote against the Bill

We appeal to fellow citizens and civic-minded organisations  to prevail on the government to postpone the enactment of the  Amendment until the public has time to be properly informed,  to  debate,  and to respond to its implications

We appeal to the President to even at this stage halt the process that has been set in motion, and to revert instead to the long-hoped-for and many-times-promised abolition of the executive presidency.

Suriya Wickremasinghe

Hony. Secretary

Civil Rights Movement

http://www.thesundayleader.lk/2010/09/07/rise-silent-majority-rise-now-or-sleep-forever/

NfR condemns proposed 18th amendment to the constitution

02. Sep. 2010

NfR, the Exile Network for Media and Human Rights in Sri Lanka joins democratic forces in Sri Lanka in opposing the proposed 18th amendment to the constitution of Sri Lanka.  Condemning  this amendment as the final step in establishing a constitutional dictatorship in Sri Lanka NfR urge  international democratic forces to voice their opposition in strongest terms in solidarity with democratic aspirations of the Sri Lankan people.

President Mahinda Rajapakse was elected  by the people on the basis of the pledges given by him to the electorate  that he would abolish the Presidency  as the Constitution of 1978 gave the holder of that post too much power.  Now that he is in power he  has proposed the 18th Amendment to the Constitution which provides  more power to the President. It enables the President to contest for the Presidency as many times as he wishes and has also removed the restrictions on the powers of the President placed by the 17th Amendment which created a Constitutional Council.  This Council is now to be replaced by  another body which negates the whole purpose for which the 17th Amendment was passed.  Henceforth the President will be able to appoint his henchman to any and every key position in the administration of the country.  Consequently there has arisen a situation which could lead to disastrous consequences  to  good governance in the country.

In fact while the 1978 Constitution was condemned for placing the President of the country beyond the reach of the law,  the proposed amendment has gone beyond that and  has made him an absolute despot.  The citizens of the country would in future have no protection from the framework of the laws of the land.

Now that the government has the support of two thirds of the members of the Parliament, it could jolly well have used this support to solve the causes that led to the ethnic conflict  in the country and put an end to the problems of the Tamils once and for all.    This opportunity has now been squandered  and the support it has is being used to ensure that the President gets absolute control  of the of the country suppressing all the cherished democratic freedoms.

The supremacy of the law, the concept of checks and balances,  separations of power, etc.  are all going to be  things of the past. Sri Lanka’s obligations to international human rights standards as stipulated by UN charter and conventions   and the provisions of the proposed constitutional amendment are going to be completely incompatible.

NfR  condemns the provisions of the proposed amendments to the Constitution in strongest terms  and  hopes the Courts will come to the rescue of the people and declare that the proposed Constitutional Amendment should be placed before a referendum and the consent of the people obtained before the provisions of the proposed Amendment become law.

Steering Committee:

Iqbal MCM ( The Netherlands), Lionel Bopage ( Australia), Nadarasa Sarawanan (Norway), Nadarajah Kuruparan(UK) Padmi Liyanage (Germany), Raveendran Pradeepan (France), Rudhramoorthy Cheran (Canada), Saman Wagaarachchi ( USA), Sunanda Deshapriya ( Switzerland)

Networking for Rights  – Sri Lanka,

Red signal on for NGOs

(Lanka-e-News, July 15, 2010, 3.20PM)

At the recent meeting of the security Council it was decided that all International and local non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) shall be registered again, it is reported.

The Govt. had been watchful and had been paying careful attention to the activities of the NGOs during the war. Some Ministers have indeed criticized the action s of these NGOs.

Following the decision of the Security Council, it is likely that those NGOs towards which the Govt. is not well disposed will become the victims, when the re-registration is being done. The Govt. appointed a Parliamentary Committee to probe the activities of these NGOs, and a number of the Committee’s interim reports have been forwarded to the Govt.
The President at Kilinochchi stated, some NGOs are engaged in activities damaging the country, for which he will not allow any room.

While saying some of these NGO representatives go to foreign countries and carry out publicity campaigns against the country, he pointed out at the roofless buildings on either side of the road, and asked whether they are left that way for him to take notice.

As these NGOs can exploit taking pictures of these dilapidated buildings and send them abroad to collect millions of rupees as funds, he ordered the officials there to expeditiously complete those buildings by putting the roofs over them.
The Govt.’s intelligence unit is consistently keeping a watch over the activities of the NGOs and the foreigners in them. According to the intelligence unit report some of these officers have been deported. The visa extension to them to continue their stay have been refused. Some days ago, visas of two non violent peace task force officers were not renewed. Consequently they had to go back.

The refusal of visas to these two officers on the basis of the reports of the intelligence unit were reported by the Director General of Immigration and Emigration Dept., and the Director General for national security, media center,earlier.

http://www.lankaenews.com/English/news.php?id=9774